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Return to Virginia Business - September 2003

Virginia Ideas

Let the People Judge the Judges: Reforming Virginia's Judicial Selection Process

by Donald D. Litten
For Virginia Business
September 2003

Judicial selection in the States is an important, diverse, and controversial process. State judges impact every arena of life with their decisions, from traffic to criminal court. And through this century, the debate has persisted over what is the best way to select these judges. In Virginia, the state constitution gives the General Assembly the right to choose judges, one of very few states to use this method. Most of the other states use some form of popular election or gubernatorial appointment. "To outsiders, Virginia's system of lawmakers electing judges looks quirky and even unfair, a cloistered system of good ol' boys looking out for each other." Perhaps there is a reason that Virginia is in by far the minority on the judicial selection issue. There are too many flaws in a system that gives the legislature exclusive power to appoint and remove judges at its pleasure. Virginia's system as it is now is "a highly partisan process that Democrats had lorded over while they were in power, and one that state Republicans seem to be relishing now that they're in the majority." Virginia needs to rethink the way it chooses its judges.

A demonstration of the system's flaws in action was the reappointment process that resulted in the removal of former Newport News Judge, Verbena Askew. Last January, Askew was subjected to an all day hearing in front of the House and Senate Courts Committees , almost seven hours of questions and debate, before each committee voted to deny her a second term. Askew's critics pointed to complaints regarding her conduct as well as her nondisclosure of an accusation of sexual harassment. Askew's supporters blamed her ejection on racism, sexism, and politics, and say that she was "among the best of the city's judges." Whether the removal of Askew was correct or not, the venomous accusations and highly partisan vote point to serious problems in the whole arrangement. Gov. Mark Warner (D) told reporters that he "was troubled by Askew's reappointment process" and said "there were parts of it that went over the line." Senate Courts Chairman Kenneth W. Stolle (R), a chief force behind Askew's removal, said that although he felt the hearing was fair, "as these things do, it took on a life of its own." Editorials in local newspapers promised consequences "for the legislature as an institution," and "the integrity of the judicial selection process," and opined that this "is a powerful argument in favor of a judicial selection process more removed from the political arena." There is "damage done to the independence of the judiciary when a legislative body puts a judge through this level of scrutiny" said Rodney A. Smolla, a constitutional law professor at the University of Richmond law school. And Askew was not the only judge under this heavy scrutiny. Although she was eventually reappointed, Judge Rosemarie Annunziata, of the Court of Appeals, was also painstakingly examined. The reappointment ordeal that she was subjected to, with the committee focusing almost exclusively on one controversial opinion out of over 600 that she had written, led House Democratic Caucus Chairman Brian J. Moran (D) to believe there was "another agenda being pursued."

These recent, highly publicized events are just the latest in a series. On average, over the past ten years, two judges a year have failed to be reselected. Some were under very questionable circumstances, although it should not be assumed that all dismissals of judges fall into this category. In one instance, "an Eastern Shore legislator maneuvered his law partner for a circuit court judgeship after clearing out the incumbent." There are even rumors that in the 1980s a judgeship was decided based on a coin toss. In 1997 both Republicans and Democrats expressed frustration after the General Assembly failed to select a judge for an open slot on the Virginia Supreme Court, forcing the Governor to choose a judge instead. Delegate Jay DeBoer (D) asserted that the "process is broken" and "direct election of judges would be better than this." Senator William Bolling (R) agreed when he said, "if there's ever been any question about whether Virginia needs a better system of selecting judges, just look at the spectacle we have here today." He continued with, "you shouldn't have to barter to pick a member of the Supreme Court; you should consider qualifications. That hasn't even come up."

The question of considering qualifications is a tricky one under the current Virginia system, and not even necessary under current Virginia law. Although "both primary legal associations in Virginia - the Virginia State Bar and the Virginia Bar Association - have issued general guidelines for judicial-selection criteria," there are no specific guidelines established in Virginia law. What this means is that legislators can and do set their own criteria for determining whether a judge belongs in office. Virginia finds itself in the "crisis" situation described by the American Bar Association (ABA) when it says that "in some states, political parties want to control the courts in much the same way they control the legislative and executive branches of government." An ABA report argues that our justice system is in jeopardy due to "increased political involvement in the judiciary, diminished public trust and confidence in the justice system, and uncertain resources supporting the courts" which combine to "place burdens on the judiciary's capacity to provide fair and impartial justice." Giving the General Assembly exclusive selection and reselection power over the State's judges gives them too much power over the whole justice system and even more importantly, it gives them too much power to abuse the system. "The ability to select and reappoint judges produces amazing personal clout. If you are a legislator, rich, ambitious attorneys who want to be judges or want their law partners to be judges come to you." In addition, there is an innate conflict of interest when legislators, many of whom are lawyers, select the judges whom they might appear before in court. There must be a better way to select and sustain judges than by putting that whole power in the hands of a highly biased and politicized body such as the legislature.

The selection debate comes down to judicial independence and judicial accountability and how to maintain both. The issue of judicial independence is of utmost importance because "an independent and qualified judiciary is necessary to ensure fairness in our justice system and to protect the constitutional rights and liberties of all Americans." Judges must be impartial and free from either political or economic pressure because "public expectation of getting a fair hearing in the courts is a cornerstone of the judicial system." When the judicial branch of government comes too far under the control of either of the other branches of government, judicial independence is most threatened. Yet, it is also true that judges must also be held accountable for their actions to prevent any violation of the great trust that is placed on them. The ABA acknowledges the tension between judicial independence and judicial accountability in the judicial selection process when it points out that "it is one thing to acknowledge the need for selection systems to preserve and promote independence and accountability-a point with which few would disagree-and quite another to determine what selection system strikes the optimal balance between the two."

So what selection system comes closest to striking that optimal balance? There are three general methods of state judicial selection, each with different regional variations. In some states judges are appointed, either by the governor or, in the case of Virginia, by the legislature. In other states, judges may be elected in either partisan or nonpartisan elections. The third option, and one which has gained growing support throughout the country, is Merit Selection, also known as the "Missouri Plan," because Missouri was the first state to adopt it. The basic provisions of the Missouri Plan include a broadly based and diverse nominating commission that selects and forwards the names of the few best candidates to the governor who then selects someone from that slate. The new judge then serves a trial period at the end of which the voting public, through the use of an uncontested "yes/no" retention election, decide whether or not he or she should continue service. If retained the judge goes on to serve a full term and is subject to retention elections at the end of each term. Although no system of judicial selection is perfect, the Missouri Plan avoids the worst of the flaws prevalent in the other systems and provides the best method of maintaining judicial integrity and independence without forgoing accountability to the people.

The biggest benefit of the Missouri Plan is the diminished influence and control over, although not total absence, of partisan politics. "Judges decide issues of intense social, cultural, economic and political interest to the public and the other branches of government" and "merit selection is not a system that ensures the total elimination of politics from judicial selection." There is really no way to entirely eliminate politics from any method of judicial selection. However, even in this innately political setting "the requirement that an independent commission review the qualifications of and approve all would-be judges provides a safety net to assure that all nominees possess the baseline capabilities, credentials and temperament needed to be excellent judges." Under the Missouri Plan, "judicial seats are filled with persons who have demonstrated high standards of professional conduct and qualifications, rather than a mere partisan ability to gain favor in a political party." In addition, "a nonpartisan court plan provides opportunities for persons to become judges who might not otherwise have a chance, or who might strongly prefer to refrain from engaging in the contested election process." And perhaps even more important in the Missouri Plan is the provision for retention elections. Retention elections insert democratic principles into the process by allowing the ultimate authority in this country, the people, to hold judges accountable while still avoiding the serious problems found in contested elections, such as possible conflicts of interest when contributors to a judge's campaign appear before the judge in court. "In retention elections, judges run against their records, rather than against opposing candidates, which means that incumbents are at risk of losing their seats only if voters deem their records unacceptable." Holding retention elections serves "to remind judges that they are judges, not legislators, and that their conduct in office is important. Elections allow citizens to evaluate the judges" while still freeing judicial candidates "from traditional partisan politics and fundraising" and "judicial decisions are more impartial because judges are in a secure environment to decide the cases in a neutral and fair manner."
According to the ABA, "the time has come to inoculate America's courts against the toxic effects of money, partisanship and narrow interests. The Virginia Courts themselves know that Virginia's judicial system needs to change. Every few years, after extensive studies, the Virginia Judicial System puts forth their "Strategic Plan" for the purpose of "identifying and assessing the challenges, opportunities, and expected demands that lie ahead" because "the future of the justice system is too important to be left to chance." In the Strategic Plan the Virginia Courts share their vision of the judicial system and the steps needed to achieve that vision. To accomplish the Judicial System of Virginia's 2002-2004 Strategic Plan's mission of providing "an independent, accessible, responsive forum for the just resolution of disputes in order to preserve the rule of law and to protect all rights and liberties guaranteed by the United States and Virginia constitutions" the objective of ensuring "that the judicial system attracts and retains the most qualified persons for service on the bench" must be completed. And one of the tasks to fulfill that objective is to "secure legislative adoption of merit selection of judges in order to recruit and to elect the most qualified judiciary." In other words, in their Strategic Plan, the Virginia Courts put forth the need to reform the judicial selection system. And the system they recommend is the Missouri Plan.

Merit Selection provides a viable alternate way to select judges and the Missouri Plan has been consistently gaining recognition and popularity. Currently, 34 states and the District of Columbia select some or all of their judges through merit selection. However, because Virginia's judicial selection process is set out in the state constitution, it would require a constitutional amendment to change. And whether the General Assembly would be willing to relinquish its power over the judiciary is far from clear. What is clear is that everyone - judges, legislators, and particularly the people - deserve a better, fairer system.

The writer is a Harrisonburg attorney in practice since 1957.

 

Return to Virginia Business - September 2003


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